"Just the difference in formulation -
the future and not final status of Kosovo - is very
significant and encouraging. Why? Because the Albanian side
in the international community has been promoting the
meaning of final status as independent Kosmet (Kosovo and
Metohija). According to this Albanian strategy, the "final
status" can only be independence, and this is not true and
the change in terminology confirms it," said
Serbia-Montenegro foreign minister Vuk Draskovic in
an interview for "Vecernje Novosti".
How does it "confirm" it when the
International Crisis Group is claiming that this is in fact
the only solution and that Serbian politicians are lying to
the public with excuses that it everything is not over...
"That's not true."
On what basis are you making this
claim? On the basis of your contacts with representatives of
the international community?
"Of course. It's not true that the
international community is predisposed to grant Kosovo
independence. Nor is it true that independence could be
implemented at the drop of a hat, even if the predisposition
did exist. Because this is not permitted by the UN Charter,
which prohibits the formation by force of sovereign states.
And without the acquiescence of Serbia, the proclamation of
independence would be by force."
Prime minister Kostunica says
that a legal definition of the strategy of "more than
autonomy, less than independence" is currently being
drafted. Will we find out soon what this relatively abstract
formulation means?
"Our request is not abstract at all
but on the contrary very clear. We are asking for a European
level of protection and guaranteed returns for all those
expelled from Kosovo and Metohija since June 1999. There are
more than 220,000 people in this category."
BORDER PROTECTION
The question is what would the
formulation "more than autonomy, less than independence"
mean for the Province in terms of status? What will
Belgrade's basic requests be?
"Full protection for the Serbian
people and protection of the present international border of
our territory with Macedonia and Albania."
How would you explain to a
typical resident of Kosmet what "more than autonomy, less
than independence" will mean for them in concrete terms?
"It appears that this isn't clear
only in Serbia. Because we are not prepared for unusual
solutions."
Here's the opportunity to explain to readers of "Novosti"
what this unusual solution would entail.
"The manner in which the problem of
South Tyrol was resolved could serve as an inspiration. It
is something similar to our formula of "more than autonomy,
less than independence". I personally would agree with
solution. There, the principle of practical sovereignty of
the Austrian majority population has been established but in
combination with mandatory respect for the Italian minority
according to the principle of positive discrimination. This
means the highest level of protection for that minority
within the framework of existing borders. Such a solution
could be applied in Kosmet. What our state leadership is
advocating is very similar to this solution."
In the event of this, what would
be the extent of Belgrade's influence on Pristina and on the
territory of Kosmet?
"Serbian-Albanian talks will produce
results only if an agreement is reached right at the start
that the Serbian side does not use the word "sovereignty"
and the Albanian side does not use the word "independence".
The future status of Kosovo must be unconventional, unique
because the situation is unique. We are not asking for any
sort of imposition of our sovereignty in Kosovo in
territories inhabited by Albanians. Serbia doesn't want to
meddle in their lives nor their organization of government.
Europe will meddle in those things but that's a different
story. We only want to protect our people, our cultural and
historical monuments, churches and monasteries. What sort a
name are we going to give this concept I am describing
remains to be agreed upon."
DOUBLE PROHIBITION
Is local self-government the most
we should ask for at this time?
"Yes. The central topic of
negotiations will be acquiring the right to local
self-government, especially for Serbs who live in enclaves.
Because the part of our people who live in the north of the
Province are territorially homogenous. In the historical
sense, this part never belonged to Kosovo but was simply
amputated from Serbia by the Communist regime and annexed to
the Province. Therefore our priority task is to win local
self-government in the enclaves with powers and competencies
in education, culture, health, local police and judiciary at
the first level. The multiethnic character of Kosovo and
Metohija will be defended in these enclaves."
Is there a chance of this
northern, homogenous part of the territory being returned to
Serbia and getting special treatment?
"The position of the international
community is that there can be no division of Kosovo and
Metohija, and what you are saying would have that
character."
In various international contacts
you've probably learned which of the aforementioned
solutions has the greatest chance of being accepted. Is it
the model implemented in Bosnia-Herzegovina?
"I have to say that this is also one
of the models being considered. There is an idea of applying
the B-H model to Kosmet and giving the northern part a
special status while special regulations would protect the
Serbian monasteries and enclaves. What is immediately
emphasized in these ideas is that such a solution would have
to presume an international contract that would exclude the
possibility of any part of the territory at some future
point being annexed to either Serbia or Albania. Also
prohibited would be the appending to Kosmet of parts of
Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia..."
Nevertheless, which model has the
best chances?
"The one advocated by our state
leadership."
When will Belgrade and Pristina
begin dialogue? How will it be conducted and who will the
participants be?
"My appeal is that we participate in
all working groups and negotiations at all levels. I think
that Serbs from Kosovo must participated in everything and
play a leading role. That is why they must re-join the
Kosmet parliament as soon as possible so that they can
publicly discuss their suffering and troubles. No one in
Belgrade knows what they are going through."
How will things unfold now? When
will the decision on future status be made?
"Negotiations on status are expected
to begin at the end of this year. I doubt that they will be
completed by the end of next year. It would even be a good
thing for the process to last a little while. Because if in
the meanwhile we Europeanize Serbia and enter NATO by 2007,
we will find ourselves in a position to enter the EU by
shortcut. In that case the future will look completely
different, including the perspective on Kosovo and Metohija.
Because Europe has made independence projects a part of the
past and introduced the principles of interdependence."
YELLOW CARTON
According to your information,
will dialogue between Tadic and Rugova take place?
"I favor dialogue at all levels. The
international community insists on dialogue and by refusing
to talk, the Albanians are accumulating "yellow cartons". We
will continue to insist on dialogue."
KOSOVO WITHOUT A FLAG
Would the realization of the
Serbian strategy for Kosmet mean the return of the Army to
the Province?
"No, it wouldn't. We are advocating
a NATO and EU presence in Kosmet for a long, long time as
guarantors for the protection of the Serbian minority.
Finally, we ourselves will become members of NATO. We
believe that this region needs to remain a protectorate of
the EU or the UN for a long time."
And would this territory have the
right to a seat in the UN, the introduction of a visa regime
with respect to Serbia...
"There would be no Kosovo flag in
front of the UN building. As far as a currency is concerned,
soon we will all be using the euro. And as far as visas are
concerned, this would be one of the issues on the agenda. A
special visa system is a possibility but that is not the
central issue."
